Great Council of Venice
Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and PovertyThe Great Council of Venice became the republic’s ultimate source of political power, but its history illustrates how an institution that initially constrained a ruler and accommodated political change could be turned into a means of exclusion. As established families faced competition from newly prosperous merchants, the council closed its membership, helped create a hereditary aristocracy, and supported policies that restricted commercial opportunity. Political closure and economic decline advanced together.
Formation and Political Structure
The Great Council emerged after political and economic changes following the murder of a doge in 1171. Made up of officeholders of the Venetian state, including judges, it was dominated by aristocrats. Yet its membership arrangements initially left room for additions: each year, a four-person nominating committee, chosen by lot from the existing council, nominated one hundred new members, who were automatically selected.
The council’s authority was reinforced by a wider system of institutions. It chose the members of the Venetian Senate and the Council of Forty, bodies with legislative and executive responsibilities, and selected the Ducal Council, expanded from two members to six. A separate committee chosen by lot nominated the doge; although the General Assembly had to ratify the choice, it received only one nominee. The council therefore held effective control over the selection.
Limits on the doge extended beyond the choice of officeholder. A new doge swore an oath circumscribing his powers. Subsequent constraints required doges to obey magistrates and obtain the Ducal Council’s approval for their decisions; that council, in turn, was responsible for ensuring that the doge obeyed the Great Council. These arrangements helped make the council the center of a system that checked executive authority.
Commercial Growth and the Threat of Closure
The council’s political development coincided with economic expansion. Earlier changes had reduced the doge’s power, and Venice’s commercial and naval influence grew; in 1082, Venetian merchants received extensive trade privileges in Constantinople, where a Venetian quarter eventually housed ten thousand people. Later, the institutional changes following the doge’s murder in 1171 were followed by another surge of growth.
The expansion also produced a conflict over who would share its benefits and political influence. New merchants could rise through the commenda and similar commercial arrangements, challenging the profits and political power of established families. For the aristocrats who dominated the council, economic growth was therefore not only an increase in wealth: it could bring new competitors into the political arena. The council’s openness to newcomers became vulnerable precisely because it had enabled economic and social change.
That tension surfaced in a series of votes in 1286. On October 3, a proposal would have required nominations to be confirmed by a majority of the Council of Forty, which was tightly controlled by elite families. It failed. Two days later, a different proposal passed: the sons of men whose fathers and grandfathers had served on the council would receive automatic confirmation; other nominees would need the Ducal Council’s approval. On October 17, a further amendment required appointments to be approved by the Council of Forty, the doge, and the Ducal Council. Together, these changes increased the power of established authorities to control entry.
Closure and Hereditary Membership
The 1286 amendments anticipated the Serrata, or closure, of the council. In February 1297, membership rules granted automatic nomination and approval to people who had served during the previous four years. New nominations required the approval of the Council of Forty, now with only twelve votes. After September 11, 1298, serving members and their families no longer needed confirmation. The council was effectively sealed to outsiders, and its incumbents had become a hereditary aristocracy.
In 1315, the Libro d’Oro, or Gold Book, formally registered the Venetian nobility, giving the new order an official record. Excluded Venetians resisted the loss of influence, and political tensions mounted between 1297 and 1315. The council partly responded by expanding its membership from 450 to 1,500, an effort described as co-opting its most vocal opponents. Expansion did not undo the closure: it was accompanied by repression, including the introduction of a police force in 1310 and a steady increase in domestic coercion to secure the political order.
Economic Closure and Decline
Political exclusion was followed by economic restrictions. The council banned commenda contracts, an innovation that had helped Venice prosper but had also benefited new merchants. Beginning in 1314, the state took over and nationalized trade by organizing its own galleys. From 1324, it imposed high taxes on individuals wishing to trade. Long-distance commerce increasingly became the preserve of the nobility.
These policies narrowed opportunity in the same way the membership rules narrowed political participation. With major lines of business monopolized by an increasingly restricted elite, Venice’s decline began. The city had appeared close to becoming the world’s first inclusive society, but its political and economic institutions became more extractive instead. By 1500, its population had fallen to one hundred thousand. Between 1650 and 1800, while Europe’s population grew rapidly, Venice’s contracted.
The council’s significance lies in this reversal: it first helped constrain ducal power and presided over institutions associated with commercial expansion, but then became the vehicle through which established elites blocked new political and economic entrants. The resulting order preserved their advantages at the expense of the wider society and helped turn a former center of trade and institutional innovation into a city sustained largely by tourism.